Rising Shadows: The Rightist Turn in Finnish Politics
Within the intricate tapestry of European politics, a noticeable pattern has emerged: a gradual drift towards right-wing politics and rhetoric. This shift has been particularly pronounced in nations like Finland, Italy, France, or Poland, where right-wing parties have gained considerable ground.
Finland, with its resilient economy and robust welfare state, might seem an unlikely breeding ground for right-wing populism. However, beneath the surface lies a simmering discontent fuelled by economic stagnation and globalization.
Enter the Finns Party, a populist force that has successfully tapped into this discontent. With its rhetoric and anti-establishment stance, the party has emerged as a vocal critic of mainstream politics, positioning itself as the champion of marginalised "ordinary" Finns.
The party has been rightfully accused of penchants towards racism and Nazism. Vilhelm Junnila, member of the Finns Party and the government’s economy minister, had to resign following repeated Nazi references: he congratulated election candidates whose election numbers were 88, a neo-Nazi greeting that symbolises “Heil Hitler (HH)” as H is the eighth letter of the alphabet. He ‘joked’: "First of all, congratulations on an excellent election number. I know it is a winning card. This 88 refers, of course, to the two 'H's, but let's not dwell on that".
Wille Rydman, the replacement for Junnila as the current minister of economic affairs, also a member of the Finns Party, soon came under fire as well for text messages he sent to his-then partner. When discussing baby names, Rydman said: “We Nazis don’t really like that kind of stuff”, referring to traditional Hebrew names.
The Speaker of Parliament, Jussi Halla-aho, and previous leader of the Finns Party, has also come under fire multiple times for his disturbing comments and has even been fined by the Finnish Supreme Court for “ethnic agitation”. In 2008, when discussing on whether shooting a gay man in a park, he wrote: "Violence is an underrated problem-solving tool today".
These three examples are just few among many showing how the Finns Party has rocked the young Finnish government led by Prime Minister Petteri Orpo's right-wing coalition just this summer, and yet, the Finns Party continues to receive support and endorsement.
What has then compelled the Finnish population to choose such an extremely conservative government, especially following Sanna Martin’s Social Democrat administration and four party coalition with all female heads? What dynamics triggered such a vast transition?
Studies have shown that the Finns Party has been especially popular with younger generations, whereas older, more established votes remain sympathetic to the Social Democrats. Finding the answers to the Finns Party’s rising popularity, therefore, lies in understanding the rising disengagement with Social Democrats and their party.
Younger generations identify well with the Finns Party’s perceived and construed threats, quelling existential fears of their position and place in Finnish society. The party brings certainty and control on subjects, increasingly viewed as unstable, such as identity, employment, and future. In this dizzying world where everything seems to change constantly, the Finns Party appears as a grounding force for younger generations.
For one, the influx of asylum seekers and migrants in recent years has stirred anxieties about cultural identity and social cohesion. The Finns Party has capitalized on these fears, framing immigration as a threat to Finnish values and welfare. Their call for tighter border controls and restrictions on refugee intake has resonated with segments of the population concerned about the pace of societal change.
At its core, the rightward shift in Finnish politics reflect a potent mix of economic anxiety, cultural insecurity, and disillusionment with mainstream politics. Economic globalization has left many feeling left behind, while immigration has stirred fears of cultural dilution and social upheaval. Against this backdrop, the Finns Party offer a sense of security and identity, promising to protect the interests of ‘true’ Finnish citizens against the forces of change.
This reveals how the Finns Party exploits anxieties to increase their power and legitimise themselves as political actors. However, it also illustrates how these very same tools can be used to discredit the Finns Party. Framing, rhetoric, and discourse: these are all elements that can serve as potent tools in shaping public perceptions, influencing voter attitudes, and ultimately challenging the legitimacy of such parties. Commentators have highlighted the importance of social media in bringing right-wing politics to the forefront of young Finnish audiences, but who is to say that effect cannot be reversed through socialisation processes?
The initial reaction of the Finnish population that rejects the Finns Party was one of “quiet disdain”, arguing that the party does not deserve to be talked about in the first place, and therefore tactfully ignore them. However, as it has grown to be a more dominant party, reducing them to simple “extremists” is ill-advised, especially if they were voted for ultimately by a majority. Pushback must therefore be organised in a new way, instead of ignoring the concerns of the average Finns Party voter and advertising them as extreme, perhaps it would be helpful to reframe them. Anxieties and fears are irrational, leading to extreme reactions which have been cultivated by the Finns. Finnish Parties such as the Social Democrats should address these concerns and recognise them, to better handle these issues as well as re-frame them for what they are, rather than relying on racist or Nazi rhetoric.
This will help endorse a culture of cooperation and understanding necessary for a healthy society rather than develop the divisive and destructive one of the Finns Party.