A privilege, not a right
A demonstration of Rechazo supporters (Photo: Janitoalevic, CC0 1.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
It is often said that in Latin America democracy is a privilege, not a right.
In a region that has seen coups, civil wars, and dictatorships, this remains true. From an organised attack on Brazil’s federal institutions to increasingly deadly protests currently happening in Peru, politics in this part of the world continues to be marked by its fickle and increasingly extreme nature.
Rampant social inequality and widespread corruption are leading to a rapid erosion of faith in political institutions in Latin America’s fledgling democracies, leaving people vulnerable to anti-government populism, both progressive and reactionary.
What distinguishes recent grassroots action in the region is, without a doubt, the rise of social media. The ease at which information can be shared and accessed has revolutionised political organising, with many political leaders taking to social media as their primary tool for messaging and communication.
This has been used for progressive goals, such as the widely successful anti-femicide #NiUnaMenos (Not One [Woman] Less) movement which, akin to the #MeToo movement in the Anglophone world, has pressured governments across the region into passing laws to protect women’s safety and crucial right to abortion. It has also been argued that the election of progressive candidates such as Gabriel Boric in Chile and Gustavo Petro in Colombia last year were largely due to successful social media campaigns.
Taking advantage of anonymity and ever-looser regulations, far-right activists have used social media platforms to spread their message of hate and division, targeting vulnerable populations such as women, the LGBTQ+ community, and indigenous peoples.
Turning back to Chile, a new constitution that would break from the legacy of dictator Augusto Pinochet and enshrine progressive social values was proposed and overwhelmingly rejected by a margin of 24 percentage points after a bitterly-fought campaign full of disinformation and misrepresentation. This happened only ten months after Boric, whose campaign largely revolved around these very same values, was elected president with a majority of almost one million votes.
The success of the Rechazo (Reject) campaign in turning Chilean public opinion so dramatically away from their new president is astounding. Support for the proposed constitution remained in the high fifties as recently as March 2022, and, taken in isolation, there is broad support across Chilean society for many of the very same rights and protections. However, Rechazo activists, provoking fear and misrepresenting what was being proposed, managed to cast doubt on the entire process, with polls suggesting that as many as 63% of Chileans believe that the Constitutional Convention, the democratically elected body responsible for drawing up the proposals, doesn’t represent them.
More recently, in Brazil, supporters of ousted far-right president Jair Bolsonaro attempted to storm federal buildings in the Brazilian capital. Provoked by the spread of unsubstantiated claims surrounding the recent election and organised via social media such as WhatsApp and Telegram, this episode is all too reminiscent of scenes from the US Capitol two years prior (almost to the day).
The rise of far-right groups in Latin America has also been facilitated by social media algorithms that promote extremist content and create filter bubbles that reinforce and exacerbate users' pre-existing biases. Studies have shown that these algorithms prioritize engagement and often promote content that is sensational or controversial, which leads to extremist messages being amplified and recommended to users incredibly easily.
As a result, social media has become a powerful tool for far-right groups to spread their message, recruit followers, and mobilise supporters. It has also made it more difficult for progressive movements to gain traction, as they often struggle to compete with the sensationalism and spectacle of the online far-right.
It is impossible to understate the responsibility that lies with social media companies in this. While efforts have been made in recent years to limit and restrict the spread of harmful content across many platforms, supposed free-speech fundamentalist Elon Musk’s new regime in Twitter has wasted no time in rowing back on commitments made to combat the far-right, while instead disproportionately targeting left-wing or progressive users on the platform.
Ultimately, the fate of democracy in Latin America will depend on the ability of its citizens, civil society organizations, and governments to confront the challenges posed by social media and far-right extremism. It will require a concerted effort to build trust in democratic institutions, promote inclusive and equitable economic development, and foster a sense of shared national identity that transcends the divisions of race, ethnicity, and class that have long plagued the region. By working together, Latin America's democracies can build a more resilient and inclusive future for all of its citizens.